Found: 125 records....
cato.org
Saturday April 29, 2017 @ 04:04:14 AM mt

Damning Words: The Life and Religious Times of H. L. Mencken



H. L. Mencken's relationship with religion and religious people was complicated. D. G. Hart is author of Damning Words: The Life and Religious Times of H. L. Mencken.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Saturday April 29, 2017 @ 04:04:13 AM mt

Faith Radicalism and Islam without Extremes



How do Islam and classical liberalism diverge? Can there be a reconciliation? Mustafa Akyol, author of Islam without Extremes, comments.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Saturday April 29, 2017 @ 04:03:59 AM mt

The Smart Way to Repeal ObamaCare



How should Congress repeal and replace ObamaCare now that the American Health Care Act has failed? Michael Cannon explains.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Saturday April 29, 2017 @ 04:03:55 AM mt

Federal Dietary Advice and The Case Against Sugar



Knocking down a scientific hypothesis is easier than knocking down a regulation built upon that hypothesis. Gary Taubes, author of The Case Against Sugar, argues there are big problems in how institutions conduct scientific inquiry today.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Saturday April 29, 2017 @ 04:03:54 AM mt

Trump Attacks Syria without Congressional Approval



President Trump has attacked Syria with apparently no support from Congress or other world leaders. Chris Preble comments.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Saturday April 29, 2017 @ 04:03:46 AM mt

Trump at 100 Days of Actual Foreign Policy



Has Donald Trump been captured by conventional foreign policy thinking? Trevor Thrall comments.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Friday April 28, 2017 @ 04:10:19 PM mt

The Dictatorial Mandate of a 100 Days Presidential Metric



What does a successful first 100 days as President look like if not other branches of government rolling over? Gene Healy comments.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Friday April 28, 2017 @ 04:10:19 PM mt

Trumpism and Tylerism



What lessons does the accidental presidency of John Tyler have to tell us about the "Trumpism" emanating from the White House? Anthony Comegna comments.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Friday April 28, 2017 @ 01:33:01 PM mt

Trump Hillbillies and Geographic Mobility



Following Trumps electoral success in rustbelt states, the spotlight has been on white, rural, post-industrial poverty. J.D. Vance, author of the now-famous memoir Hillbilly Elegy, discussed some possible explanations for rural poverty yesterday in a podcast. In the interview, he suggests that geographic (im)mobility is partly to blame for the erosion of areas like Appalachia: the poor simply arent migrating to jobs.

Vance is right that Americans have limited interest in relocating, and are relocating less than before. According to calculations[1] using University of Chicago data, the proportion of individuals unwilling to relocate for work is high: 42% of Americans say they will not move within the United States for work, and 68% of Americans will not move outside the country for work. A full quarter (25%) of Americans would not consider traveling further for a job, even if the decision resulted in unemployment. Meanwhile, Census data suggests that relocationwhether inter-state, inter-county, or intra-countyis down (Figure 1). 2016 had the lowest relocation rate in seventy years (Figure 2).

Figure 1. Type of Move, 19482016

Figure 2: Number of Movers and Mover Rate, 19482016

Why are people relocating less than ever? One explanation Vance misses is that government policy gets in the way. For example, researchprovides evidence that land use regulations put pressure on housing prices in high-opportunity areas, which in turn eliminates the fiscal rewards of relocation for the poor and unskilled. Tragically, this means low-income Americans are trapped in job deserts with little in the way of opportunities, amenities, or hope.

You can listen to more of Vances interview regarding the causes of white, rural, post-industrial poverty, here.


[1] Authors own.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow
cato.org
Friday April 28, 2017 @ 10:16:13 AM mt

Trump's First 100 Days and the Deepening Militarization of U.S. Foreign Policy



Donald Trumps first 100 days in office have set U.S. foreign policy on a dangerous course. Trumps actions and rhetoric have raised the profile of Americas military power while weakening other sources of U.S. influence. Such an approach is in line with thepeace through strengthformula Trump espouses. However, the deepeningmilitarization of U.S. foreign policycarries a host of risks and costs that may cause more headaches than victories.

The growing role of the military in U.S. foreign policy isnot a new phenomenon. Barack Obamas presidencywas hardly peaceful. This was especially true in the Middle East, where thelight footprint approachreduced the on-the-ground U.S. military presence but made extensive use of air power to conduct foreign policy by precision strike. However, Obama also spearheaded multilateral initiativesthat relied on other sources of American power and influence, such as the Iran nuclear deal and the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). Not all of these initiatives were successful, but they demonstrate a foreign policy approach that places value on non-military tools.

Thus far into his presidency, Trump does not seem to share Obamas appreciation for the value of non-military tools for dealing with foreign policy problems. One of Trumps first executive orders withdrew the United States from the TPP, a key component of American economic engagement in East Asia. The TPP and a growing American military presence were the two key pillars of the Obama administrations pivot to Asia, with the TPP emblematic of the softer side of U.S. policy. Granted, the TPP was not yet in force when Trump withdrew from it, which mitigates the diplomatic downside of withdrawal. But theloss of economic and diplomatic influenceassociated with withdrawing from the TPPleaves military poweras the primary means for the administration to implement U.S. policy in East Asia.

Greater reliance on U.S. military power in East Asia is already evident in the Trump administrations policy toward North Korea. The administration wants to applymaximum pressureto Pyongyang in order force them to negotiate on Washingtons terms. As former defense officialVan Jackson points out, this theory of victory depends heavily on U.S. military signaling and is more aggressive than previous administrations. Jackson argues, the Trump administration appears to be a much more permissiveeven enablingenvironment for such coercive beliefs due to the prominence of the Pentagon in President Trumps national security policy to date.

Staring down North Koreathrough displays of military might andrhetoric hinting at military actionfits with peace through strength, but probably wont stop North Korea fromtesting new missilesor accepting themaximal conditionsthe United States has placed on negotiations.

Relying heavily on U.S. military power in matters of foreign policy is by no means exclusive to East Asia. Trumpscruise missile strike against Assad,special forces raid in Yemen, andloosening of the rules of engagementfor counterterrorism missions point to a growing role for the U.S. military in Middle East policy. Recently, Trump said that Iran wasnot living up to the spiritof the nuclear deal, despite the fact that the State Departmentconfirmed that Iran is complyingwith the deal. What the administration will do with the Iran deal remains uncertain, but the deepening militarization of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East combined with ageneral hatred of the dealby President Trump point to growing tensions.

Fortunately there are things that Trump can do to rein in the militarization of U.S. foreign policy, if he is so inclined. Fillingvacancies at State and Defensewith civilian experts would provide additional, non-military voices in the policymaking process. These appointees may not be able to match the influence of theretired and active generalsin Trumps administration, but the current absence of civilian appointees ensures that the generals will heavily influence Trumps foreign policy.

Congress could also fight back against the militarization of U.S. foreign policy through its control of the budget. Trumpsplanned cutsto agencies like USAID and the State Department would devastate two non-military tools of U.S. influence. After the proposed cuts were announced, several prominent Republican senators spoke outin opposition. Congress could also demand that Trump obtain new authorizations for the use of military force if he wants to get the United States more directly involved in Yemen or Somalia.

The deepening militarization of U.S. foreign policy is Trumps most worrisome achievement of his first 100 days. Valuing military power so highly over diplomatic and economic tools limits policy options and can make military conflict more likely, as peaceful avenues for resolution are shut down. Hopefully Trump will recognize that there are other tools at his disposal for conducting U.S. foreign policy, and the warlike first 100 days prove to be a flukeand not the trend.

Likes: Dislikes:
Like Dislike Comment Follow